Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times Read online

  With a combination of ruthlessness and dexterity, Dr. Mahathir delivered social peace and sustained economic growth, introducing increasing numbers of Malaysians to middle-class comforts. Even if they were critical, few were willing to jeopardize their rising living standards, or risk ostracism and worse, to explore alternatives. Corporate Malaysia, hooked on constant economic expansion, lined up solidly behind Dr. Mahathir to keep the contracts — and profits — flowing. By the end of his 22-year tenure, Dr. Mahathir had remade the country in his own image and become Malaysia's "presidential premier".[2]

  Far too late in the day, Dr. Mahathir's opponents realized that he played politics harder, faster and smarter than anyone they had encountered, making most of them look like rank amateurs. Although he became addicted to the job, Dr. Mahathir did not seek it for the perks or the payoffs. He had a mission, to bring about an economic and social revolution that would turn Malaysia into a fully developed and respected nation within a generation, with the Malays playing a prominent part. As that required his personal attention and leadership, political longevity was essential, regardless of the cost. The price could always be rationalized in terms of his project, which was for the good of the country. There was no higher priority than staying in power.

  For Dr. Mahathir, a political animal, the ends justified the means, though he specifically denied it was a guiding principle.[3] After his retirement, two of his great rivals in UMNO, Musa Hitam and Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, used the same word to describe Dr. Mahathir: He was, they said, a "politician". The term contained a grudging admiration for Dr. Mahathir's willingness and ability to do what was necessary to survive, unhindered by ethical considerations or the harm it might do to others. Both acknowledged his decisive advantage — a killer instinct, a readiness to go for the jugular at critical moments and venture beyond what previously had been acceptable behaviour in Malaysian politics — attributes they were pleased to report they lacked. Musa, who served as Dr. Mahathir's first deputy prime minister before quitting in acrimony, but ended up on comfortable terms with Dr. Mahathir, said, "When it suits him, he says 'today I love you'. Tomorrow, if it suits him, he says 'I hate you'. 'Today you are a lovely man, tomorrow you are ugly'. That's Mahathir, the politician."[4]

  Their judgment did not rule out Dr. Mahathir being a caring doctor, a loving father or a firm friend, provided that friend did not get in his political way. Dr. Mahathir was adept at separating politics from his professional, social and family life. Author Rehman Rashid, who dated Marina Mahathir and found her mother to be the "quintessence of gentleness and grace", would thereafter find himself "unable to believe that such a woman would countenance the sort of man Mahathir's bitterest enemies were convinced he was".[5] Dr. Mahathir did not take politics home. He put politics in a completely different compartment. As he once reassured Musa, who invited Dr. Mahathir to his daughter's wedding but worried he would not attend because they had been quarrelling, "That is politics; this is friendship."[6]

  Malaysians had never seen a leader quite like Dr. Mahathir, who appeared to be in perpetual motion. In contrast with his cautious predecessor, Hussein Onn, who was invisible much of the time and committed to keeping the country on an even keel, Dr. Mahathir produced initiatives "a million a minute", as one colleague put it. And he maintained the pace, taking a personal interest in almost every aspect of Malaysian daily life. He conducted spot checks of public toilets and would shock officials by phoning them directly to complain about untidiness and other evidence of neglect in their work. To save public spending, he cut his own salary and that of his cabinet ministers, reduced the number of civil servants and abolished some of their privileges.[7] Indefatigable, dressed in trademark open-neck bush jacket, he gave the impression he wanted to micro-manage the entire country.

  Wrote Rehman Rashid, "After the greyness of Hussein, here was an electrifying personality, as much a visionary as Razak, but with infinitely more popular appeal...In his first months as prime minister, Mahathir was clearly, completely, a man in his moment."[8]

  Although he had less time for his hobbies, Dr. Mahathir re-assembled his workshop at the prime minister's official residence. In the first few years he invented an Islamic toilet — actually, a variation on European and Japanese paperless commodes — that went into commercial production.[9] And he still found time to cook the occasional Sunday lunch for the family, usually something simple like fried rice, after venturing out to buy the ingredients himself. He joked that his older children "always find some sudden prior engagement" when they learned he was duty chef. At 60, Dr. Mahathir took up horse riding after visiting Pakistan and being escorted and impressed by Pathan cavalry guards.[10] He also learned to fly a twin-engine Cessna belonging to the Royal Malaysian Air Force.[11]

  With discipline that had become second nature, Dr. Mahathir adopted a working routine that he adhered to religiously. After morning prayers, he would begin writing an article or speech, with pen and paper, continuing to do so even in the toilet. Having eaten, he would arrive at his office at 8 o'clock sharp. His first task was to check the newspapers, spending 30 to 45 minutes on them, starting with the English-language New Straits Times, followed by the Malay-language Utusan Malaysia, before going on to the others. He had time only to scan the headlines, read articles of immediate interest and mark others to read later, in the car or at home. Dr. Mahathir usually went home to have lunch and dinner with his wife, leaving the office between 6 and 6:30 p.m. at the end of the day. If they did not have an evening function, he would read or write, rarely watching TV — "because I like to be doing things, not just sitting down" — before selecting his wardrobe for the next day, and retiring about 11 p.m. for six or seven hours sleep.

  Dr. Mahathir did his best to inject his sense of purpose into his ministerial colleagues and the bureaucracy. In the office, as at home, he could be aggressive and demanding if there were delays in what he wanted done.[12] Civil servants were required to wear nametags for easy identification by the public in case of poor service, and they had to clock in and out for work. He also wore a nametag. It simply said "Mahathir". Everywhere Dr. Mahathir went he carried a notebook in which he recorded things that needed attention: from a meeting with a potential investor to dirty drains and poor street lighting. "Nothing was too small and nothing too big," said Daim Zainuddin, who twice served as finance minister.[13] Dr. Mahathir opened his weekly cabinet meeting by pulling out his notebook, reading his entries and calling for action by the relevant ministers. Sometimes he produced his own photos as evidence. He gave a similar pocket-sized notebook to each minister and encouraged them all to adopt his habit.

  A technology buff, Dr. Mahathir realized the potential of information technology before his colleagues and told them it would revolutionize daily life and the way business was conducted. He ensured all ministers were given computers in the early 1980s, even though few knew how to use them.[14]

  Fearful that he would run out of time to introduce his far-reaching reform agenda, Dr. Mahathir was always in a hurry. His greatest regret was that he "began late"; at 56, he was the oldest person to be sworn in as Malaysia's leader.[15] Just as he read books between customers as a teenage street vendor and between patients as a doctor, he shortened his signature as prime minister to a scrawled "M", in place of a flowing "Mahathir bin Mohamad", to save time.[16] He disdained golf, the game of Southeast Asian diplomacy, because it took too long to play. In 1996, at 71, after he had been premier for more than 15 years, Dr. Mahathir said, "I don't think I should waste time. I don't know how much longer I have."[17] In retirement, discussing his development record across two decades, he remarked, "I didn't have much time."[18]

  One way Dr. Mahathir could have saved a lot of time was to let his staff draft his speeches, common practice everywhere. But he insisted on writing his own, leaving his press secretary, when he was deputy premier, with little to do except arrange media conferences and prepare short forewords for souvenir programmes.[19] While Dr. Mahathir could not possib
ly write all of his speeches as prime minister — he delivered thousands — his forceful, didactic style was recognizable in many of them.[20] Speeches written by others "do not reflect my thinking, or my way of putting the words into sentences", he said. Although he once could touch type, he chose to labour away on each speech in longhand. "I feel satisfied writing it myself," he said.[21]

  Despite intense pressures, Dr. Mahathir had no trouble relaxing. He would nap most days for 15 minutes after lunch at home in a comfortable chair, in the car while being driven to an appointment, or on a flight, arriving refreshed.[22] Even as he aged, Dr. Mahathir showed little sign of flagging. For instance, in 2003 he conducted, alert and hands-on, the annual meeting of the International Advisory Panel of Malaysia's Multimedia Super Corridor. From 8 a.m. to 6 p.m., he asked and answered thoughtful questions, received members in his house for dinner at 8 p.m. and personally saw them off at 11 p.m. "That is a clear fifteen hours," observed Narayana N.R. Murthy, an Indian businessman and panel member. "I am sure there are not many 78-year-old people who can exhibit that kind of mental and physical energy."[23]

  One reason Dr. Mahathir could rest easy was that he never made mistakes, or at least none that he admitted. He rebuked Musa Hitam as deputy prime minister for listening to critics and conceding that some things done by the government were wrong. "The biggest raging debate I had with him was simply that he said admitting mistakes is showing weakness, whereas I argued the other way around," said Musa. "I said admitting your mistake is a courageous act."[24]

  Another great asset was Dr. Mahathir's ability to meet a crisis calmly and not succumb to panic. On those occasions when he suffered inner turmoil, he was able to keep it hidden behind what his wife, Dr. Siti Hasmah, called a "poker face". For the most part, though, he shrugged and uttered a favourite comment, "The world will not come to an end", maintaining a serenity that sometimes infuriated her.[25]

  One day in 1989, Dr. Mahathir informed his wife without fuss that he had persistent shoulder pains and wanted to be examined by a physician. He was unfazed when an electro-cardiogram indicated he had to be hospitalized immediately. Left in no doubt a week later that the next step was a coronary bypass, in measured fashion he called Malaysia's top cardiac surgeon and directed him to perform the operation.[26] Dr. Mahathir's decision to trust Malaysian doctors and equipment with his life, instead of seeking treatment abroad as the elite routinely did, won him popular respect but alarmed some people. Finance Minister Daim Zainuddin helped locate an American heart specialist travelling in Asia and directed him to Kuala Lumpur.[27] Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, explaining the added risks with less-experienced surgeons, offered to send in, at Singapore's expense, renowned Australian heart specialist Victor Chang.[28] But Dr. Mahathir went ahead, turning his personal ordeal into a national triumph.

  One of the few times Dr. Mahathir appeared vulnerable was when confronted by flowers on which pollen was visible, which caused him to have asthmatic attacks. He was also allergic to feathers and dust, once suffering severely on Laying Laying, a Malaysia-claimed outpost in the disputed Spratly Islands, after encountering migratory birds. And, for all his self-control and gruff demeanour, Dr. Mahathir could become emotional in public, periodically breaking down in tears. While some cynics offered him acting awards, Dr. Siti Hasmah had no doubt it was genuine and heart-felt. She said, "Every time this happens, he comes back and says 'I've done something shameful. I was emotional and cried'. I said that's not shameful, it's human."[29]

  In the Malaysia that Dr. Mahathir inherited, nerves of steel were necessary as political crises and confrontation became common under his stewardship. While Malaysia was modeled on the British parliamentary system, it had moved away from liberal democracy. Opposition political parties seriously contended for power in regular elections, but the obstacles they faced made it almost impossible to defeat the National Front government. The real political contest took place inside the hothouse of UMNO, given its centrality in the ruling coalition after 1969, rather than in general elections. UMNO delegates chose a president — the party met in General Assembly annually, but voted for office holders every third year — who automatically became prime minister. He would then select his cabinet ministers and appoint the chief minister of each state. By tradition, the party's deputy president was regarded as the heir apparent for the top job.

  For inspiration in how to ensure he remained in power, Dr. Mahathir looked no further than the man he criticized for dictatorial traits, Malaysia's first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman. Out of office in 1971, Dr. Mahathir had analysed the Tunku's modus operandi in an academic article. In office, he proceeded down the same path, only more deliberately, systematically and effectively. Dr. Mahathir said the Tunku's first action, on taking over UMNO:

  ...was to seek amendments to the party's constitution giving the president the right to choose his own secretary-general and nominate six other members of the executive council. These amendments decisively, gave the president complete control of the party...[They] marked the beginning of the end of democratic practices within the party, and by extension within the governments that were dominated by the party...To ensure the president will not be challenged, the 11 state branches of the UMNO were broken up into numerous small divisions which dealt with the headquarters directly...the president arrogated to himself the right to choose all the candidates for elections, his position thus became completely immune to challenge. The drift back to feudalism culminated in the president naming his successor in true feudal fashion.[30]

  While Dr. Mahathir appeared to assume the leadership of UMNO smoothly on Hussein Onn's retirement in 1981, his manoeuvrings sowed the seeds of virulent factionalism that surfaced later. Tengku Razaleigh was left feeling he had been double-crossed twice and deprived of his rightful place as deputy president of the party. Tengku Razaleigh concluded that Dr. Mahathir "cannot be trusted",[31] but it was the young Kelantan prince who lost out. Although he almost unseated Dr. Mahathir when he later challenged him for the leadership of UMNO, Tengku Razaleigh was forced from the government altogether, a crushing blow for a man who had been talent spotted for national leadership in his 30s.

  Dr. Mahathir had outfoxed Tengku Razaleigh when Hussein Onn summoned them both to a meeting at the prime minister's official residence in Kuala Lumpur and told them he was quitting because of ill health. There was no question he would be succeeded by Dr. Mahathir, who was deputy UMNO president and deputy prime minister. Tengku Razaleigh was finance minister and a party vice president. Hussein "implored the two of us to work together, which Mahathir acknowledged during that meeting", said Tengku Razaleigh. "I thought there was an understanding that we can work together."[32]

  Assuming he would be unchallenged for the deputy presidency as part of the tacit agreement, Tengku Razaleigh told "all my chaps" to support Dr. Mahathir for president. But after Dr. Mahathir was nominated unopposed, Tengku Razaleigh found himself in a clash with Musa Hitam, the education minister, for the deputy's slot. Mindful of the need to strengthen his hold on the party, Dr. Mahathir did not openly endorse either, which would have alienated one of the powerful contestants and a legion of followers. Instead, he made a democratic virtue of leaving the choice to the UMNO General Assembly. Behind his publicly neutral stance, however, Dr. Mahathir supported Musa, with whom he had closer personal ties. Dr. Mahathir was wary of the ambitious and popular Tengku Razaleigh, whose royal status was another strike against him in Dr. Mahathir's eyes.[33] By secretly backing Musa's candidacy, Dr. Mahathir hoped to check Tengku Razaleigh's rapid rise, while recognizing that Musa, behind his easy smile, also coveted the top spot.

  Tengku Razaleigh said that Dr. Mahathir, once on top, should have behaved "like a father" and not taken sides. "I could easily have become the deputy prime minister" in 1976, he said, by persuading Prime Minister Hussein Onn, a close family friend, to let Tengku Razaleigh challenge Dr. Mahathir for the deputy presidency of the party. At the time, said Tengku Razaleigh, Hussein "was
not sure Mahathir should be the man, because Hussein never trusted Mahathir, never liked Mahathir". Instead, Tengku Razaleigh said, he had recommended that Hussein choose Dr. Mahathir. "I could have played to win also," Tengku Razaleigh said, "but I was being too fair — because it's in the same party, you know. We're not fighting another party."[34]

  In a rancorous race with Musa, Tengku Razaleigh was the early favourite, but his declaration that he could not lose and would leave the Cabinet if he did so worked against him in a community that valued compromise and politeness.[35] Musa won by a vote of 722 to 517. When Tengku Razaleigh nominated again and challenged Musa for the deputy presidency in 1984, Dr. Mahathir was much more confident of his own leadership, having steered UMNO to an impressive victory in a general election in 1982. He openly backed his deputy this time, helping Musa weather another roiling contest to retain his post by a slightly wider margin.

  After using Musa to dampen the threat from Tengku Razaleigh, Dr. Mahathir reversed their roles to ensure Musa did not build too strong a power base in UMNO. Musa wanted Tengku Razaleigh out of the government altogether, on the grounds that his presence would perpetuate a growing split within the party. Indeed, Musa was under the impression he had an "unwritten agreement" with Dr. Mahathir that Tengku Razaleigh would be purged from the Cabinet and denied any nominated post in UMNO if he contested again in 1984 and lost.[36] Instead, Dr. Mahathir shifted Tengku Razaleigh to the Ministry of Trade and Industry, while replacing him as UMNO treasurer. Like Tengku Razaleigh earlier, Musa and his backers considered that Dr. Mahathir had broken his promise, or at least half of it.

  Although trade and industry was less prestigious than the treasury, it was deeply involved in the implementation of the New Economic Policy and offered just as many possibilities to distribute benefits and gather supporters. In a confidential letter of protest to Dr. Mahathir that was leaked, Musa listed all the patronage points available to Tengku Razaleigh, including granting import permits, recommending local partners for foreign investors and nominating individuals for the distribution of shares. Musa said Tengku Razaleigh would have "the greatest opportunity ever to prepare himself for his political future, even better than [in] Finance".[37] In truth, Dr. Mahathir kept Tengku Razaleigh's candidacy alive for a third clash in 1987, just in case the prime minister needed to cut Musa off at the knees.