Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times Read online

  The UMNO that Abdullah so fortuitously inherited and Dr. Mahathir so casually abandoned was nothing like the patriotic party that had led the campaign for Malaysia's independence half a century earlier. It had long lost its idealism and was rotting from within, "morally exhausted" and "ideologically hollow".[16] In addition to the ossification of the leadership, UMNO under Dr. Mahathir had become riddled with corruption as it went into business in a major way. Bereft of ideas, the party directed its efforts, not at addressing the changing needs of a more complex Malaysia, but at maintaining its hold on power and pursuing policies that primarily benefited a small and privileged circle.

  Dr. Mahathir made UMNO more irrelevant by relying on the bureaucracy to perform what should have been party functions, and limiting UMNO's role in governmental affairs. For example, the 14,000-strong Social Development Department in the Rural Development Ministry served as the "eyes and ears" of UMNO in kampungs, while Dr. Mahathir ignored the tradition that those who obtained the most votes in party elections were entitled to senior cabinet positions.[17] Even so, he overrode the other parties in the National Front coalition to the extent that many Chinese and Indians would no longer vote for junior partners. So while the National Front needed to reinvent itself to be effective, its minority partners would remain demoralized unless and until UMNO began the process by revitalizing itself.[18]

  Although UMNO's claim to pre-eminence rested on majority support from the political dominant Malay community, the party proved resistant to change even as its historical base eroded. The general election in 1999, after Anwar's dismissal the previous year, when hundreds of thousands of members left UMNO to join the opposition, signalled the party's decline. Most UMNO leaders concluded that radical adjustment was necessary to meet the threat of Anwar's Reformasi movement for more democracy, transparency and all the sins gathered under the rubric of corruption. But Dr. Mahathir had resisted, insisting that what was needed was restoration not reformation.[19] While UMNO agreed to revise its constitution in 2000, two proposals that received strong support — direct election of top positions, such as the president, by some 300,000 party members, and dropping the requirements for a high percentage of divisional nominations for office bearers — were rejected by the Supreme Counci1.[20]

  Abdullah's experience indicated that a rigid and inflexible UMNO was unable or unwilling to respond to the demands of a younger, better educated and more discerning electorate, despite the distinct possibility of defeat by defections or in future polls. Given the extent of its electoral setback in 2008, unless decisive action was taken to end UMNO's malaise, "It may even be terminal in the next general election," one party veteran warned.[21]

  Broadly, though not all the participants and provocateurs were visible, UMNO and the vested interests that sustained the party were engaged in a life-and-death struggle with the forces of reform, skillfully marshalled by the articulate and resurgent Anwar Ibrahim. As the stakes increased, there was likely to be only one winner. Abdullah, caught in the middle, was jerked in all directions until he was thrown out.

  Apart from turning UMNO into a powerful patronage machine that eventually slipped from his grasp, and leaving the party singularly ill-equipped to face a globalizing future, Dr. Mahathir cut Malaysia adrift institutionally. Similar to the way he personalized control of the party, he emasculated almost all institutions so he would meet no obstruction. He handed them to loyalists, shrank their authority, or bypassed them altogether. While that left the police, the courts and other agencies unable to discharge their public obligations professionally, his attacks on the doctrine of the separation of powers struck at "the very soul of principled, democratic governance".[22] In particular, the assault on the judiciary left fundamental flaws in Malaysia's constitutional system that would take time, in the best of circumstances, to rectify.

  Unchecked, Dr. Mahathir created a culture that rewarded obedience and shortchanged integrity, allowing Malaysia to drift into a period appropriately described as "the lost ethical years".[23] For example, he extended Mohamed Eusoff Chin's term as chief justice beyond retirement in 2000, despite representations by the Bar Council that the judge had been photographed on holiday with a Malaysian lawyer in New Zealand in circumstances that raised questions of serious unethical conduct. A number of the most successful senior officials learned to anticipate what was expected of them and act before receiving orders. If they crossed the line of legality, as some did, they were likely to be even more responsive to prime ministerial demands. As one unhappy judge remarked, it was widely believed that Dr. Mahathir "kept a docket on everyone useful with a skeleton in their cupboard so that he can manipulate them on pain of disclosing the skeleton".[24]

  Judged by his own high-minded rhetoric associated with Vision 2020, Dr. Mahathir failed Malaysia. One of the nine "strategic challenges" he set to enter the First World was "establishing a fully moral and ethical society, whose citizens are strong in religious and spiritual values and imbued with the highest of ethical standards".[25]

  Although a significant number of Malays entered the professions, or made the transition from farm to boardroom, during his term, Dr. Mahathir expressed disappointment over his attempts to alter their mindset. "More of them should have succeeded," he said. Too many Malays took the easy way out to get rich by selling the contracts, stocks, permits and licences allocated to them, he said, instead of going into business as he intended.[26] Though valid, Dr. Mathathir's criticism let his government off the hook for the wholesale abuse of the New Economic Policy, which was a source of widespread discontent, particularly among Malays. It was his core supporters — the Umnoputras, in veteran opposition politician Lim Kit Siang's colourful term — who were the serial offenders, and almost nothing was done to prevent them hawking their state-bestowed bumiputra privileges, such as discounted share allocations, for quick profit.

  When it came to strengthening Malaysia's macroeconomic muscles and sinews to realize Vision 2020, however, Dr. Mahathir scored convincingly. He engineered a socio-economic transformation, lessening the country's dependence on commodities and deepening its industrialization. Development was driven by local and foreign private investment, attracted by political stability, first-class physical infrastructure and enlightened policies that deregulated and liberalized the economy and encouraged higher value-added export-oriented industries. During the Mahathir era, before the 1997-98 Asian economic crisis, Malaysia received in absolute terms as much foreign direct investment as Thailand and Indonesia, which had a population base of three and ten times, respectively, that of Malaysia.[27]

  The reduction in poverty and increasing affluence gave Malaysia the look and feel of a modern, prosperous nation, especially in urban areas. An expansion of the middle class, not least the Malay component, changed the ethnic landscape and helped dampen communal tensions in at least one segment of the population. One or two of the concrete symbols of Dr. Mahathir's dreams, always controversial, could become more contentious with the passage of time. While the highways, bridges, airports, seaports and industrial zones were necessary, multi-billion mega-projects such as the Putrajaya administrative capital were optional extras he personally ordered with a Petronas credit card. As Malaysia draws nearer the time it will run out of oil and gas, projected for 2027 and 2049, respectively,[28] past extravagance and wastage could become an issue for future generations of Malaysians. Depending on economic circumstances, they may curse Dr. Mahathir for squandering their earnings in advance, or praise him for his foresight in building landmarks like European monarchs in the past.

  Although Dr. Mahathir spoke modestly of his achievements, he obviously saw himself, like his heroes, as a man of history. He rated keeping ethnic relations "well under control" near the top, especially considering he was a Malay nationalist feared by the Chinese as "the ultra" when he took over. "But in the end, when I stepped down, there was relative harmony, good relations between the different races," he said.[29] Yet even this claim was flimsy, since clearly a
ll was not well beneath the surface of social peace. Studies showed university students interacting less across ethnic lines, while UMNO's attempts to recover Malay support by stressing ketuanan Melayu often heightened communal tensions. And many Malaysians, especially Chinese and Indians, were disturbed by ongoing Islamization, propelled by conservative religious elements.

  Dr. Mahathir also gave himself high marks for another goal he set at the outset: raising Malaysia's profile so that the country was known as well as its Southeast Asian neighbours, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines. "Today, people know Malaysia. People know Malaysia has done well," he said.[30] Internationally, Malaysia had won a "premier" position among developing countries, being regarded as "the model" of an economy transformed from agricultural to industrial. "Malaysia has shown the way for the rest of the world," he said.[31]

  Whether Malaysia would realize its Vision 2020 and graduate on time to the ranks of the developed world was less important than the fact that it was on the way. Dr. Mahathir supplied the compass. As he said, "If somebody doesn't give you a sense of direction, everybody would be going all over the place and nothing can be done."[32] Rising living standards, together with Dr. Mahathir's showpiece buildings and outspoken defence of Malaysia's interests, contributed to a sense of national identity, pride and confidence that had not existed before. He put Malaysia on the map, and most Malaysians were pleased about it.

  With few illusions that he would be remembered fondly, Dr. Mahathir pointed out that people often change their opinions of leaders over time. Lawrence of Arabia, once a hero, was later "debunked", he said. In Dr. Mahathir's case, he would not be able to escape responsibility for many of the problems likely to plague Malaysian society in the future, from creeping Islamization to corruption and inequality. For while he held Malaysia together for 22 years, the political-administrative system atrophied and decayed under his personalized brand of governance. "People debunk so many things," he said. "That will happen to me also." Dr. Mahathir, approaching 83, paused and allowed himself a gentle smile: "But I won't be around to see it."[33]

  Notes

  "Malaysia's Mahathir to Quit", 25 June 2002, BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/2064656.stm (accessed 27 January 2006).

  "Regional Economy: Malaysia After Mahathir", Economist, 4 November 2003, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/en/doc/2003-11/04/content_278370.htm (accessed 1 November 2006).

  Michael Vatikiotis, "The Last Hurrah", Far Eastern Economic Review, 3 July 2003, p. 12.

  Interview with Mahathir Mohamad, 20 March 2007.

  Bridget Welsh, "Mahathir's Legacy: A New Society?", in Bridget Welsh, ed., Reflections: The Mahathir Years (Washington: Southeast Asia Studies Program, The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, 2004), p. 355.

  Clive S. Kessler, "The Mark of the Man: Mahathir's Malaysia After Dr. Mahathir", in Reflections, p. 15.

  Khoo Boo Teik, "Leaving UMNO the Mahathir Way 2: Mahathir and Abdullah", Aliran Online, 5 June 2008, http://www.aliran.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=616:leaving-umno-the-mahathir-way-mahathir-andabdullah&catid=55:2008&Itemid=40 (accessed 29 August 2008).

  Khoo Boo Teik, "Leaving UMNO the Mahathir Way 1: A Crumbled Trinity", Aliran Online, 3 June 2008, http://www.aliran.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=611:leaving-umno-the-mahathir-way-a-crumbled-trinity&catid=55:2008&Itemid=40 (accessed 29 August 2008).

  Ooi Kee Beng, "Malaysia's Culture of Politicisation Still Alive and Well", Opinion-Asia, 25 July 2008, http://www.opinionasia.org/Malaysiascultureofpoliticisationstillaliveandwell (accessed 27 August 2008).

  The government announced in March 2009 that an investigation had cleared Musa and Ghani, a decision rejected by Anwar as a "cover-up". Agence France-Presse, "Anwar Beating: Two Top Officials Cleared of Wrongdoing", Straits Times, 12 March 2009.

  Teo Cheng Wee, "Crisis of Confidence", Straits Times, 2 August 2008.

  Maznah Mohamad, "Mahathir's Malay Question", in Reflections, p. 163.

  Ooi Kee Beng, "When a Strongman Leaves...", Weekend Today, 26-27 July 2008.

  Interview with Mahathir associate, 1 August 2008.

  Interview with Abdullah Ahmad, 11 August 2008.

  Khoo Boo Teik, "Leaving UMNO the Mahathir Way: Fearful Scenario", Aliran Online, 10 June 2008, http:///www.aliran.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=624:-leaving-umno-the-mahathir-way-fearful-scenario&catid=55:2008&Itemid=40 (accessed 29 August 2008).

  John Funston, "UMNO: What Legacy Will Mahathir Leave?", in Reflections, p. 136.

  Khoo Boo Teik, "Leaving UMNO the Mahathir Way: Fearful Scenario".

  John Funston, "UMNO: What Legacy Will Mahathir Leave?", in Reflections, p. 138.

  Ibid., p. 139.

  Abdullah Ahmad, "Still Relevant, Still Strong: But for How Long?", Off the Edge, July 2008, p. 36.

  Tunku Abdul Aziz, "Waking Up from the Lost Ethical Years", 15 June 2008, http://www.nst.com.my/Sunday/Columns/2267622 (accessed 16 June 2008).

  Ibid.

  "Mahathir and Judge Trade Barbs in Worsening Public Spat", Straits Times, 27 June 2008.

  Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, "Malaysia: The Way Forward", in Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid, ed., Malaysia's Vision 2020: Understanding the Concept, Implications and Challenges (Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications (M) Sdn. Bhd., 1997 edition), p. 405.

  Interview with Mahathir Mohamad, 29 March 2007.

  David Camroux, "Mahathir: National Hero, Global Bad Boy", EurAsia Bulletin Vol. 7, Oct-Nov 2003, pp. 9-11, http://www.eias.org/publications/bulletin/2003/octnov03/eboctnov03.pdf (accessed 27 August 2008).

  Proved reserves to current production levels in 2008: 19.4 years of oil and 40.9 years of gas. Source: BP Statistical Review of World Energy, June 2008, London. Arguing against subsidies to keep the retail price of fuel low, the Malaysian government said in early 2008 that oil and gas reserves would run out by 2010: Bernama, Agence France-Presse, "Abdullah Refutes Claims of Being Weak", Straits Times, 4 March 2008.

  Interview with Mahathir Mohamad, 20 March 2007.

  Interview with Mahathir Mohamad, 31 March 2008.

  Fauwaz Abdul Aziz, "Mahathir Vents Frustration on DVD, Pt 2", 12 May 2006, http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/50975 (accessed 27 May 2006).

  Eddin Khoo and Jason Tan, "Nothing Personal: Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad on Legacy", Off the Edge, February 2007, p. 41.

  Interview with Mahathir Mohamad, 31 March 2008.

  * * *

  Photos

  Before politics: The youngest of nine children, Mahathir learned the value of discipline, hard work and self-improvement from his father. He entered the national political arena to help fellow Malays claim their share of the nation's wealth.

  Source: Perdana Leadership Foundation

  Life-long union: Mahathir married Siti Hasmah, his first and only girlfriend, after they met as medical students at university. They celebrated their 52nd wedding anniversary in 2008.

  Source: Perdana Leadership Foundation

  A partnership: Although she steered clear of politics, Siti Hasmah was never far from her husband's side. She accompanied Mahathir to party gatherings, political rallies and social functions, often travelling abroad with him as well.

  Source: Perdana Leadership Foundation

  Hands on: After he became prime minister, Mahathir took a personal interest in nearly every aspect of Malaysian life. Here, he and Siti Hasmah inspect Malay textiles at a craft centre in Kuala Lumpur.

  Source: Information Department, Malaysia

  In tune: Mahathir and Siti Hasmah had good voices and enjoyed singing, entertaining guests with a duet on special occasions. His theme song was My Way, a title reflecting natural instincts that were obvious from childhood.

  Source: Information Department, Malaysia

  Off duty: Despite total immersion in politics, Mahathir effectively separated political activity from his professional, social and family life. He did not discuss current political events, no matter h
ow momentous, with Siti Hasmah and their children.

  Source: Perdana Leadership Foundation

  Formal sitting: Siti Hasmah was described by a family friend as the "quintessence of gentleness and grace", an opinion widely shared. It was hard for anyone meeting her to believe Mahathir could be as ruthless as his record suggested.

  Source: Perdana Leadership Foundation

  Precious moments: Mahathir adhered to a rigid routine to get the most out of each day. He used his defeat in the 1969 election to work on several books while practising medicine, reading between patients to save time.

  Source: Perdana Leadership Foundation

  Deft touch: Dexterous, Mahathir enjoyed carpentry, wood turning and metalwork, making boats, wrought iron lamps and model aircraft. He shifted his workshop from Alor Star to Kuala Lumpur on joining the government, but ran out of time for his hobbies.

  Source: Perdana Leadership Foundation

  A vision: Mahathir's overwhelming priority was to turn Malaysia into a modern, internationally respected, fully developed nation by 2020. He allowed no one to question his plans or challenge his power.

  Source: Perdana Leadership Foundation

  Lighter moment: Usually stern, Mahathir badgered fellow Malays to overcome traits he identified as impediments to progress, such as passivity, laziness and subservience. Ultimately, he expressed disappointment over his efforts to alter their mindset.